Homeland Security on an Island of Misfit Toys
Today’s headlines proclaim wars and rumors of wars—not only between countries, but between activists, advocates, and interest groups in our polarized homeland.
Fears of US vulnerability under the scenario of all-out, high-tech warfare deserve their share of serious reflection. We can’t disconnect that analysis from our everyday experiences with volatile issues here in America. They help reveal the essentials of our preparedness, as a nation and as individuals.
To begin, please check the boxes that identify us properly: A peace-loving country? Land of the free? Home of the brave? Good crowned with brotherhood? Shining city on a hill? Land that I love? God shed his grace on us? Needs to be great? Never was that great? (This last option was captured on video.)
Why We Fight
An ancient Roman general said, “If you want peace, prepare for war.” But he wasn’t calling for his own people to practice hostility toward each other!
It’s time to candidly assess America’s frequent dalliances with animus. We are a divided culture that too often mimics the antics of the lost children in Lord of the Flies.
Our common ground of values and aspirations has been nudged to the side by many factors, from social media to antisocial politics.
“NewsNation’s” Dan Abrams is still right to find hope in what he calls “the marginalized moderate majority.” Many of our problems and disputes are wrongly amplified. America’s heart is underappreciated.
But the country is haunted by skepticism, disrespect, mental strife, and nihilism. These can hobble our relationships abroad as well as in our public squares and politics. Caring relationships must also extend to those on the socioeconomic margins in the US and everywhere.
At all levels, our vicious cycle of insecure, self-affirming judgmentalism and passive-resistant appeasement is a destabilizing force. Visionary goals of coexistence and cooperation are being replaced by grandiose worldviews and micro-views of “us vs. them,” somehow promising secular salvation.
We’re making external judgments about good and evil constantly, especially those which are pointed simplistically toward “offensive” individuals or labeled groups, or leaders of nations.
In the media and sometimes in real life, we play the judge in mock (as in mockery) trials with little objectivity or cross-examination. The “oppressed vs. oppressor” mind frame pleasures us with lots of virtue-signaling, identity-building, and confirmation bias, not to mention conscience-easing and profit generation.
Too many folks see the globe merely as a cartoon of Bond villains. America itself looks like a playground filled with bullies, spectators, and those targeted as misfits.
In a culture without God or any trusted authority figures trying to bring us together, we tend to replace intellect and will with emotions. Guidelines like justice, mercy, and the common good give way to the selfish rules of power, protection, ego, and greed.
We invest bigger emotional stakes into smaller triumphs while we avoid addressing our deepest problems. For many (certainly not all of us), hostility or suspicion is our new habit of the heart. In lieu of faith and reason, we protect our passionate stances “at all costs,” even denying or re-interpreting uncomfortable realities.
Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn wrote in The Gulag Archipelago that our abstractions must be replaced with concrete realizations and responsibilities: “The line separating good and evil passes not through states, nor between classes, nor between political parties either—but right through every human heart—and through all human hearts.”
Job One on the road to improving our attitudes is to observe carefully how good and evil factor into our consciousness and relationships. We really ought to think concretely about more things, and good vs. evil is an excellent starting point.
What kind of stage are we setting? For what kinds of dramas? We need to humbly critique the good guys and bad guys we write into our scripts. More compelling stories would tell instead of basically good people who are struggling against their “most grievous faults.”
For decades, in a land blessed with relative peace and prosperity, we have had the luxury of creating enemies. Geopolitical dangers seemed distant. We began comfortably downplaying the broad consequences of our actions, forgetting the democratic knack for compromise.
What Hath Peace Wrought?
The Club of Rome saw this coming in its 1991 report, The First Global Revolution.
After the Berlin Wall fell in 1989, the report’s two authors wondered, “Can we live without enemies?” They saw the supposed dawn of global peace as an opportunity to make environmental perils the new, unifying foe. They called for “new enemies” and “new strategies.” Soon, America got busy polarizing internally—not only around ecology, but around what Pope Francis nowadays calls the whole “human ecology.”
Looking for new things and people to hate is a terrible activity, given Christ’s command to “love your enemies” lest you unleash a cycle of chaos.
Nevertheless, we launch volleys of back-and-forth accusations even before we try to understand each other or examine the “root causes” for our fears.
So-called “leaders” have seized this discord as a persuasive tool, discovering that media, mimetic desire, confused values, and autocratic condemnations boost their niche popularity by dividing the populace.
Disagreements connect to other disagreements. Sometimes, we discover our fellow travelers have become strange bedfellows. Our political parties have become patchworks of interest groups to be pandered to or provoked.
Politicians forgot to ask the statesmanlike question, “Shouldn’t we sustain a united and viscerally strong nation just in case we someday must defend ourselves in a major war (not to mention the goal of promoting human flourishing)?”
We now reside in a strangely vulnerable superpower where individuals and groups perform as makeshift superheroes—self-styled Avengers—looking like teams but showing off independently. As loners, we feel fragile and uninformed, but we keep that identity secret.
The insightful journalist Bari Weiss expressed her concerns about today’s world of warcraft in the Feb. 1 edition of her podcast, Honestly.
The growing number of wars and disputes “should be alarming for everyone … not just because the threat of nuclear weapons looms over many of these conflicts, but also because I’m not sure America is prepared or capable of winning,” Weiss said.
After the terrorist attacks in Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, “I think a lot of Americans experienced a serious wakeup call,” she continued. “Could something like that happen here … and if we had to fight for our country, who would actually show up?”
Who Sank My Battleship?
Weiss’s question pin-points fault lines of friction where we must accept personal accountability for our positions and impacts.
We have made real progress regarding sexism, for example. The term is often subsumed under broader discussions of rights based on equality and sensitivity toward offenses. Scott Yenor muses that gender issues are now covered by America’s new “anti-discrimination sexual constitution.”
After morphing from an earlier constitution which assumed “that men and women had different and complementary roles,” as Yenor wrote in First Things, gender equality is now a doorway into a matrix of controversial questions.
In the Oct. 7 aftermath, many commentators rightly singled out the terrorism against Israeli “women and children.” But women’s issues slipped deeper into a maze of intersectionality. The United Nations drew criticism for half-hearted condemnation of the horrendous gender-based violence during the Hamas-led incursion. The UN agenda appeared to focus on passing grander judgments.
The New York Times on Jan. 29 reported that a UN team had finally arrived in Israel to investigate the reports of rapes and mutilations. Hamas denied the involvement of Palestinian fighters in those actions. They called the reports “propaganda” meant to justify “mass murder and ethnic cleansing” committed by Israel.
The grisly spewing of words, including genocide, supremacist, and colonizer, has generated a script for a regional war with deep emotional roots.
Since the US is inevitably involved in this and other face-offs, we must integrate additional facts and simplify the expanding equation of our emotions—how we feel about all sorts of subjects, from gender and race to “DEI” and “ESG” metrics. (More facts to ponder regarding these subjects follow in a sidebar essay.)
All these matters require “hard” applications of wisdom, logic, and will, as well as “soft” applications of values and virtues like charity, resilience, and self-restraint. But controversies tend to sow only antagonism and confusion. How would these play out during a war?
Such a crisis properly would raise awareness of our many moral imbalances. We have to keep striving to reduce these.
But one wishes it also would remind us that life is not fair, there are limits to utopian pursuits, and we all must make sacrifices. JFK’s advice—to ask what we can do for our country, not vice versa—would have to be resurrected.
The list of scenarios here is not intended to trigger disenchantment or despair, but only to suggest what a concrete calculus of society’s options and imperatives might look like. We must see our cultural moment through a lens of readiness to defend both our country and its legacy of freedoms and rights, duty and magnanimity.
How shall we translate all these considerations into resolute acceptance of reality-based responsibilities?
Shall we require women to be soldiers? Shall the military be color-blind or “racist,” or “anti-racist”? Shall conscientious objectors refuse to defend a nation deemed supremacist or discriminatory? We need to better define words and standards so we can better define ourselves and our viewpoints.
Through lenses of victim vs. victimizer, can we still see ourselves as heroes fighting for meaningful justice and enduring security? We will have neither the time nor ability to purge the insecurities of domestic dilemmas before deployment.
Patience is a virtue for heroes on any mission. Americans’ short attention spans have required conjuring the appearance of limited solutions for some problems, but there is nothing quick or ephemeral about military preparedness and success.
Will government officials and other public- or private-sector elites try to maintain the country’s restless status quo of tangled ideas and weakened wills? Or impose a technocracy that changes the US fundamentally? Or appease international enemies to a point resembling surrender?
Ideally, they will reach empathetically into the hearts and minds of grass-roots Americans, the moderate majority of which Dan Abrams speaks. Politicians personifying transparency, esprit de corps, and optimism might find that most of the zeal we need to defend ourselves already exists and simply needs to be tapped.
The Answers are Blowing in the Wind
Much depends on the leaders we will have during a time of war. In the public sector, those on various rungs of the “Washington DC” ladder must be reminded to strive for purposeful excellence.
Their duty to certain absolutes is enshrined in the oath they take: “I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will support and defend the Constitution of the United States against all enemies, foreign and domestic; that I will bear true faith and allegiance to the same … and that I will well and faithfully discharge the duties of the office on which I am about to enter. So help me God.” This says, “we’re in this together.”
We will need meritocratic thinking to ensure our leaders are well-advised and projects are well-run. When charged with elitism, those who rise to the top can justify their power with a commitment to noblesse oblige. At the same time, diversity without discrimination is a smart antidote to expertise that has passed its expiration date.
Wartime standard-bearers will have to speak and listen to the whole country as clear and candid communicators, explaining realities of the present moment, including context and consequences. They must allow and encourage citizens to open their minds and souls to each other, helping them to see our exaggerated differences in a much bigger frame.
Peacemaking and conflict resolution are round-the-clock jobs requiring tireless officials with keen emotional intelligence. “Lawfare” and blame games can be managed by skilled advocates-for-hire.
The words “remember,” “membership,” and “meme” all refer to transmission of, and engagement with, ideas that bind a culture together. Our opinion-shapers should accentuate memories of the US at its best. They should not mock imperfect individuals or obsess over baskets of deplorability. Most folks aren’t evil, but evil actions can easily increase when a society becomes either banal or belligerent.
Civic leaders must be crime-fighters on the home front, affirming that justice is what we’re fighting for. But strike a balance: Tyranny is what we’re fighting! Punishment is rightly aimed at unjust behaviors, not inconvenient persons.
Should we compare candidates “not to the Almighty, but to the alternative”? Perhaps, when our notion of the “perfect” becomes the enemy of the good.
However, don’t downplay the Almighty’s high standards and help. Dismissing transcendent wisdom renders meaningless those oaths of office, not to mention the pledges and ethics codes ubiquitous in the realms of public service, private enterprise, professions, religions, and other institutions which impart hope.
Authority figures should be willing to sacrifice in solidarity with our warriors and the whole population. They will be expected to show authentic tears and express deep thankfulness in the face of suffering.
They must inject a sense of local and global stewardship and restraint, managing internal disputes which make us weaker as well as foreign battles where some military tools are too fearsome for anyone’s good.
They should find and enunciate common ground and build consensus, simply but not simplistically. They must be critical thinkers and smart strategists whose gut tells them what is critical so they can help us set wise priorities.
Of course, the reason for demanding these qualities in our leaders is because all Americans must build the same strengths in each other. We’ll be better “followers” if we remember that our “commanders,” in a sense, report to us. To support and inspire are serious mandates of conscience, not abstract niceties, for everyone.
We can rise to the occasion by reading the section on “just war” in the United States Catholic Catechism for Adults (starting at page 423), as well as prescriptions and proscriptions from other faiths.
An excellent, short video from the International Committee of the Red Cross describes the globally agreed rules of war. This International Humanitarian Law will help to remind us of our ancestors’ aspirations, applicable both at home and abroad.
The video’s concluding sentence says the law “is all about making choices that preserve a minimum of human dignity in times of war and make sure that living together again is possible once the last bullet has been shot.”
This bottom line about international hostility holds true for the Maginot Line between good and evil which runs through our hearts. So far, letting this struggle rage unrestrained has unleashed dopamine-fueled gamesmanship. But it is an awful waste of time, talent, resources, moral clarity, and spiritual energy—resources that must be preserved during any crisis.
If Americans cannot learn to coexist well immediately, we can at least hope and pray that passing time and growing wisdom will achieve our higher destiny.
In a post-truth age of mistrust and frustration, we must at least honor the reality of structures and traditions that can preserve us. The ultimate truth, present in the Kingdom of God, can give meaning to our perseverance.
Our peacetime prayers today should plead that frightful scenarios of modern warfare fail to come about. Pope John Paul II provided in 1982 a riveting prayer against evil that reflected on war very concretely.
Acknowledging current divisions, allow every home-grown instance of cruelty toward persons and groups, cancellation of others’ ideas and reputations, or pooh-poohing of misdeeds and their impacts to become a teachable moment. Calling out these errors will stretch our imaginations to pierce the protective bubbles we wear on our island of misfit toys.
The Club of Rome asked, “Can we live without enemies?” The right question clearly is, “Can we live with too many enemies?” And can we live with too much fear and hatred? The answer to those questions is “no.”
We have the opportunity to look at the American culture we are establishing—to critique its sustainability and suitability for “living together.” We can gain common sense and wisdom if we invite the “marginalized moderate majority” fully into the mainstream dialogue. With an outreach to all generations of Americans, their resilience, backgrounds of faith, and experiences of good and evil in family and community will make our camaraderie more vigorous.
The preceding litany of questions might help to soften our hardened hearts. Despite what some media and elites model for us, sober hearts will be more receptive to good leaders and teachers, make a violent world less vulnerable, and set the right stage for dramas with a happy ending.
Image from ClipSafari.com, a collection of Creative Commons designs.
Now We’ve Got God Right Where He Wants Us
This is a sidebar essay accompanying “Homeland Security on an Island of Misfit Toys.” You can also find both commentaries on Bill Schmitt’s blog, OnWord.net.
Here is more “grist for the mill” of emotions discussed above, but it can also be food for thought about our warfare at home and abroad. This critical thinking may not lead to solutions, but it can “wake us up,” as Bari Weiss said, to good questions that drive us toward reliance on a wisdom that transcends our media-fed animus.
What about the sex/gender/personal issues in a military mobilization?
The Pentagon has admitted female service members into “combat positions.” Pending further Congressional debates, the Selective Service requires only that men aged 18-25 register for any future draft. (Israel is in a minority of nations that draft both men and women, according to World Population Review.)
Commentators have wondered how many US citizens would resist the draft. And on what basis? The post-modern notion of “conscience,” now tied to expressive individualism, has lost some of the faith-based idealism voiced by conscientious objectors during the Vietnam War.
Debates on racism, identity, LGBTQ equality, and DEI metrics also may loom ahead for today’s all-volunteer military if the US adopts a wartime footing.
As of 2023, the proportion of recruits who are white had fallen to 44 percent, down from 56.4 percent in 2018, according to a recent report in The Telegraph. Black and Hispanic recruits each constitute 24 percent of the total.
How should we determine who fights for us?
A Senate bill introduced last year sought to ease the current shortage of recruits by “widening a pathway for non-citizens to join the US military,” according to a Stars and Stripes report. Immigrants “who entered the country unlawfully as children” would lose the immunity from military service granted by DACA, the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program. Is this fairness or injustice?
Even if the US is able to avoid a draft, the country might need to selectively summon personnel in specific fields, such as doctors, nurses, and pilots. Will civilians object to limiting the services they enjoy?
What else would have to be rationed, given the unwieldy federal debt and the shrinkage of the country’s industrial base?
Perhaps virtual reality, cyber-warfare, and AI could help compensate for our thinner ranks of service members. We can expect that technologists would contribute amazing advances—but with an emphasis on victory-centric abilities rather than the “person-centered AI” which Pope Francis and others have continuously called for.
Meanwhile, George Will has invited concern about our high-tech resources in his Feb. 2 column. He quoted an Education Next article on the “national security crisis” taking shape in high schools and colleges. “The domestic supply of college graduates with advanced scientific skills … cannot begin to meet the nation’s need for economic vitality and military preparedness.”
Separately, Will worried that youths “bring to college a complacent sense of entitlement.” Citing a National Review piece, he said many students are “increasingly exempted from meaningful expectations of rigor.” Idleness on campus “breeds extremism and ‘performative rebellion.’’ How would graduates’ mantras of victimization and anti-oppression fit with military goals?
Consider also today’s decline in patriotism, with more people focusing on the negatives in American history and fewer believing the country’s aspirations are a source of pride worth fighting and dying for.
Everything is connected to everything else. Let’s not forget that an America at war would bear much suffering in terms of lives disrupted and lives lost. Many leaders enforced stringent rules during the Covid pandemic partly because we moderns are terrified by the risk of dying. What can a secular, atomized society do for its seniors or juniors who don’t want their screens to say, “Game Over”?
Let’s hope Somebody has the answers.
Image from ClipSafari, a collection of Creative Commons designs.
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